DECLARATION

Haarlem, September 18, 2019

 

The Board and the Coordinator of the Foundation Day of the Endangered Lawyer are deeply shocked by the horrifying murder attack this morning in Amsterdam on the human rights lawyer Derk Wiersum, based in Amsterdam, the Netherlands. Our thoughts are with his family members and friends.

 

Our Foundation notes that this murder is also an attack on the State of Law and the Rule of Law. We wonder how the protection or the safety of this very fine colleague was taken care of by the State, especially because he had been threatened recently as a lawyer in the ‘crown witness case’.

We wonder how it is possible that the fact that our wonderful colleague gave legal aid can lead to this murder attack?

The United Nations principles on the role of lawyers not only strongly condemn all attacks on lawyers who perform their professional duty, but also urge states to guarantee the safety of lawyers and take all necessary measures to reach that goal. Furthermore, we see the attack on our colleague as very inhumane and urge the Dutch government to start a thorough investigation to those who ordered and committed this murder.

 

The arbitrary detention and long-term imprisonment of 18 lawyers

The AED has co-signed a letter directed at the UN denouncing the arbitrary detention and long-term imprisonment of 18 lawyers. We publish it here to explain the mechanisms of their judicial situation:

 

FOR THE ATTENTION OF:

  • Special Rapporteur on the independence of judges and lawyers
  • Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights defenders
  • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of the right to freedom of opinion and expression
  • Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights while countering terrorism

 

Dear Madam/Sir:

 

URGENT ACTION: The arbitrary detention and long-term imprisonment of 18 lawyers from Halkın Hukuk Bürosu (HHB, the Peoples’ Law Office) and Ҫağdaş Hukukçular Derneği (ҪHD, the Progressive Lawyers Association) in violation of fair trial principles and of their rights to freedom of expression.

BACKGROUND

  1. On 15 July 2016, a faction of Turkey’s armed forces staged a violent coup attempt which resulted in the deaths of over 200 and injuries to over 2,000 people.[1] Following the attempted coup, the Government of Turkey (Government) declared a three-month state of emergency to commence on 21 July 2016. The state of emergency was later extended seven times (by three month increments each time) and eventually ended on 19 July 2018.[2] The state of emergency exacerbated the “purge” of State organs and civil society of those allegedly connected to the “Gülen movement”[3] (who were blamed by the Government for the coup attempt) and supporters of the opposition critical of the Government. Mass dismissals of public servants took place without due process amounting to hundreds of thousands including judges, prosecutors, police, military personnel and academics as well as forced closures of media outlets, civil society organisations, universities and trade unions.[4] Human rights defenders (including lawyers), journalists and NGO members who had sought to expose rights violations have been persecuted and often arbitrarily detained and imprisoned.[5] The common thread is, under the guise of national security arguments, the suppression and criminalization of all expression or association of those who are perceived to potentially express, inspire or support criticism of state action or expose state wrongdoing.
  2. The independence and impartiality of the judiciary has been substantially undermined by legislative and constitutional amendments (both pre and post-coup) which have increased executive influence over the judiciary. The judiciary now lacks the capacity to ensure a robust system of justice and uphold the rule of law, especially with reference to remedies for human rights violations by state actors flowing from the state of emergency measures.[6]
  3. Further eroding the rule of law and justice, the Government has adopted a sustained practice of targeting members of the legal profession and interfering with their ability to perform their roles as a key part of the justice system.[7] The Government has prevented lawyers from performing their legitimate duties as lawyers by restricting access to case files and indictments, limiting clients’ access to their lawyers and committing breaches of legal professional confidences including by observing and recording confidential meetings with clients.[8] Lawyer/client visits have also been restricted.
  4. The rights of individuals accused of terrorist crimes to retain legal counsel while in pre-trial detention and to prepare their defence have been largely restricted since the coup attempt, including the right to privileged communication with their lawyer. As stated recently by a lawyer interviewed for a report on the situation of lawyers in Turkey,“[a]s a lawyer you meet your client in prison, and you have no possibility of confidential communication since there’s a prison guard present, a microphone and a camera.[9] Concerns have also been raised regarding the principle of equality of arms between the prosecution and the defendant as the defendant’s lawyers’ role is significantly subverted and almost reduced to the simple formality of appearing at the court proceeding.
  5. The Government has also interfered with the legal profession through the persecution of lawyers, both by way of intimidation but also through arbitrary arrests, detention, imprisonments and ill-treatment.[10] Several lawyers interviewed for the report mentioned above reported threatening remarks from police officers when they visited detainees in police station such as: “Watch out. Representing these suspects could be bad for you” and “It’ll be your turn next”.[11]
  6. Targeted lawyers (and many other members of civil society) have been charged with terror related offences such as membership in a terrorist organisation, forming and leading a terrorist organisation and aiding and abetting a terrorist organisation under Articles 314 and 220 of the Turkish Penal Code. The overly broad language and criteria used in these Articles has led to arbitrary convictions and arbitrarily imposed terms of imprisonment preventing the lawyers from carrying out their role effectively as one of the main pillars of the justice system.[12]
  7. The Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), among other bodies, has “identified a pattern of persecution of lawyers representing individuals accused of terrorism offences”.[13] The principle of non-identification of lawyers with their clients and their causes required by the UN Basic Principle on the Role of Lawyers[14] has been undermined by the Turkish authorities. A lawyer described this situation by stating that “If a lawyer defends a Kurd these days that makes him a Kurdish nationalist. If he defends a FETÖ suspect, he is a FETÖ member”.[15]
  8. The UN Special Rapporteur for the Promotion and Protection of Human Rights while Countering Terrorism, following a 2006 visit in Turkey, had criticized the vague definition of terrorist crimes for not being in line with international norms and standards and warned that “only full clarity with regards to the definition of acts that constitute a terrorist crime can ensure that the crime of membership, aiding and abetting and what certain authorities refer to as ‘crime of opinion’ are not abused for purpose other than fighting terrorism.”[16] Since the 2016 coup attempt, these overly broad and vague laws have been used to illegitimately investigate, prosecute and/or convict upwards of 402,000 individuals as of January 2019. [17] Among those individuals, lawyers were specifically targeted: 1,546 lawyers have been prosecuted under these provisions, 598 arrested and 274 convicted and sentenced to long term prison sentences ranging from 2 to 18 years.[18] There have been recent reports that this persecution of lawyers has now been extended to covert State investigations into those lawyers’ families, including their children and spouses.[19] Lawyers in Turkey are being persecuted for simply performing their constitutionally protected roles peacefully and lawfully. They are prosecuted, and often convicted, based on vague definitions of terrorism and related acts. The arbitrary application of these laws to silence and intimidate human rights defenders and lawyers lawfully exercising their right to freedom of expression, among other fundamental human rights, has been vividly present.[20] Following the declaration of the state of emergency, 1,719 human rights, humanitarian, and lawyers’ associations, foundations and NGOs were permanently closed by the Government.[21] This threatening and harassing climate has subsequently compelled human rights NGOs to exercise self-censorship.[22]

 

CASE STUDY

  1. In 2016, ҪHD, which was a lawyers’ organization well known for speaking out against State repression, practices of torture and other human rights violations,[23] was forced to close by virtue of a state of emergency decree (Statutory Decree No. 677). On 12 September 2017, sixteen lawyers from HHB and ҪHD, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Şükriye Erden, Ayşegül Çağatay, Ebru Timtik, Aytaç Ünsal, Zehra Özdemir, Yağmur Ereren, Engin Gökoğlu, Süleyman Gökten, Aycan Çiçek, Naciye Demir, Behiç Aşçı, Barkın Timtik, Özgür Yılmaz, Ahmet Mandacı and Ezgi Gökten were taken into custody on the basis of allegations that they were members of or leading members of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front (DHKP-C), a Turkish Marxist-Leninist Party which Turkey considers an armed terrorist organization.[24] All sixteen lawyers were representing Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça, an academic and a teacher respectively, who had engaged in public protests and went on a hunger strike objecting to dismissals from their jobs facilitated by a state of emergency decree. The defence lawyers were arrested two days before Gülmen and Özakça’s trial started. Fifteen out of the sixteen lawyers were remanded in custody on 21 September 2017. The chair of ÇHD, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, was arrested on 8 November 2017 and remanded in custody on 13 November 2017.[25] Yaprak Türkmen was taken into custody on 18 December 2017 under the same investigation file; she was kept in custody for 2 days and her pre-trial detention was ordered on 20 December 2017 by an Istanbul Criminal Judgeship of Peace.[26]
  2. In total, twenty lawyers were accused of being members or leaders of DHKP-C and the pre-trial detention of 17 was ordered. An indictment was then prepared by the Istanbul Public Prosecutor and issued on 22 March 2018. On 14 September 2018, the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court ordered the release of all 17 detained lawyers, Ahmet Mandacı, Aycan Çiçek, Ayşegül Çağatay, Aytaç Ünsal, Barkın Timtik, Behiç Aşçı, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Ebru Timtik, Engin Gökoğlu, Naciye Demir, Özgür Yılmaz, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Süleyman Gökten, Şükriye Erden, Yağmur Ererken, Yaprak Türkmen and Zehra Özdemir. However, less than 24 hours after their release, the Prosecutor’s Office objected to the release of the lawyers.[27] The court panel issued a new arrest warrant for 12 of the 17 lawyers who were previously released. By the second week of December, six of them were arrested again.[28] On 19 September 2018, two judges of the court that had ordered pre-trial release on 14 September 2018, including the presiding judge, were replaced by two new judges.
  3. The “trial” of the lawyers, six of whom had been held in pre-trial detention, occurred in three hearings. The third and final hearing was held between 18 March and 20 March 2019 at the Istanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court in Silivri Courthouse. The lawyers were convicted of terrorism offences linked to DHKP-C and sentenced to prison terms. The court reaffirmed the Public Prosecutor’s conclusion, that by providing legal representation to individuals charged with links to the outlawed DHKP-C, the lawyers became themselves members of the illegal group.[29]
  4. The names of the lawyers, the charges they faced and the subsequent sentences they received are as follows:
  • For “willingly and knowingly aiding a terrorist organization,” under Articles 314(3) and 227(2) of the Turkish Penal Code: Ayşegül Çağatay, Yağmur Ereren, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Yaprak Türkmen: 3 years 9 months; Ahmet Mandacı, Zehra Özdemir: 2 years 13 months, and 15 days imprisonment.
  • For “membership of a terrorist organization” under Article 314(2) of the Turkish Penal Code: Ebru Timtik, Özgür Yılmaz 13.5 years; Behiç Aşçı, Sukriye Erden: 12 years; Selçuk Kozağaçlı (ÇHD President): 11 years and 3 months; Suleyman Gokten, Aytaç Ünsal, Engin Gökoğlu: 10.5 years; Aycan Çiçek, Naciye Demir: 9 years; Ezgi Cakir: 8 years imprisonment.
  • For “founding and managing a terrorist organization” under Article 314(1) of the Turkish Penal Code: Barkın Timtik: 18 years and 9 months imprisonment.
  1. The trial was plagued by a distortion of procedural process and lack of respect for universally accepted elements of a fair trial which have been criticised by Amnesty International as “a travesty of justice [that] demonstrate yet again the inability of courts crippled under political pressure to deliver a fair trial”.[30] Such concerns included arguments by the prosecution based on digital records which were not in the case file and not made available to the defence, and the judge not allowing the defence to speak or to engage in any effective manner to challenge evidence and refusing a request to facilitate the collection of further evidence and investigation.[31] The judges also interrupted a request by the defence for the recusal of the presiding judge, they did not allow them to finish their submission and then had all the defendants and their lawyers removed from the court. The sentences were issued the following day without the defendants and their lawyers being allowed to return to court to submit their final defence statements and participate further in the proceedings.[32]
  2. Representatives of bar associations in Turkey, as well as a number of international lawyers’ organisations, attended the final hearing.[33] Subsequently, a statement formulated by 39 bar associations across Turkey condemned what they referred as “repeated violations of the right to a fair trial, of the criminal procedure code and of principles of the law by the court.”[34] The international monitors drafted reports similarly criticizing the way the trial had been conducted by the court.[35]

 

TURKEY’S OBLIGATION UNDER DOMESTIC AND INTERNATIONAL LAW

Right to Liberty and Security and Right to a Fair Trial

  1. Domestic law: The right to liberty and security, protecting an individual’s right not to be arbitrarily deprived of liberty, is recognised under the Constitution of Turkey (Constitution).[36] Article 19 of the Constitution protects everyone’s right to liberty and security: according to paragraph 3, conditio sine qua non for a lawful arrest is the presence of strong evidence of the commission of a crime. Article 90 of the Constitution provides that international agreements concerning fundamental rights and freedoms, such as the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR), “duly put into effect carry the force of law.”
  2. Moreover, under Article 100 of the Turkish Code of Criminal Procedure,[37] a pre-trial detention can be carried out only if facts show the existence of a strong suspicion of a crime and one of the listed grounds for arrest is present. Such grounds are as follows: specific facts supporting the suspicion that the suspect or accused is going to flee; suspicion that the suspect or the accused will attempt to destroy, hide or alter the evidence, or will attempt to put pressure on witnesses, victims or other individuals.
  3. International law: The right to liberty and security is protected under existing human rights law instruments, both at an international and at a regional level. Article 9 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR),[38] Articles 9 and 14 of the ICCPR,[39] and Article 5 of the ECHR[40] guarantee everyone’s right to liberty and security and prohibit any arbitrary violation of such rights, with Article 14 of the ICCPR laying out fair trial standards.
  4. The main aim of the abovementioned provisions is to protect individuals from arbitrary deprivation of liberty. Thus, any substantive grounds for arrest or detention must be “prescribed by law” with sufficient precision to prevent arbitrariness. Even if an arrest or detention has legal basis and is administered following the procedures established by domestic law, it may still be arbitrary unless it is reasonable, necessary and proportionate. The notion of “arbitrariness” therefore is a broader concept which includes “elements of inappropriateness, injustice, lack of predictability and due process of law, as well as elements of reasonableness, necessity and proportionality.”[41] The UN Human Rights Committee notes that detention as punishment for the legitimate exercise of the rights of freedom of opinion and expression, freedom of assembly or freedom of association is considered to be arbitrary. Similarly, deprivation of liberty pursuing an aim of intimidation or reprisal against a person is also arbitrary.[42]
  5. Application of the law: The arrest and subsequent detentions of the lawyers detailed above are unlawful both under Turkey’s domestic laws and the State’s international human rights obligations. In light of the State rhetoric[43] surrounding the lawyers’ defence of Nuriye Gülmen and Semih Özakça and other work criticising the Government’s human rights violations, this trial and resulting imprisonments seem to be a tool to harass lawyers, as they are being prosecuted and punished merely for carrying out their professional obligations. In addition, their arrests, detention and sentencing constitute an unlawful interference with the rights of their clients to petition the ECtHR under the ECHR. The lawyers are being charged and have been imprisoned for their legal activities as members of their respective associations; these are legitimate activities carried out in the course of discharging their professional duties. Moreover, legal representation cannot be used as a tool to identify lawyers with their clients or their clients’ causes.[44] To allow lawyers to be identified with their clients’ alleged causes is certain to discourage lawyers from defending many accused persons, thereby depriving many accused individuals of their fundamental right to a proper legal defence. The lawyers in this case have been impermissibly identified with their clients and consequently prosecuted.
  6. The absence of due process rights and fair trial standards in the procedure followed against the lawyers amounts to violations under Article 14 of the ICCPR, and, regarding arbitrary detention, under Article 9 of the ICCPR. Such fair trial deficiencies include the failure to allow the defence to examine prosecution evidence and witnesses and the refusal by the judge to even hear certain defence arguments (including a request that the judge be recused).[45] Under Article 14 (1) of the ICCPR, there must be equality of arms between the parties in a proceeding.[46] This principle was undermined significantly in the trial as the lawyers’ defence teams were prevented from cross-examining witnesses, as provide for under Article 14 (3)(e) of the ICCPR,[47] from accessing and actioning investigations into prosecution evidence (contrary to Article 14 (3)(b) of the ICCPR) and by the court refusing to hear defence legal arguments and then later expelling them from proceedings.[48] Article 14 3(d) of the ICCPR ensures that the accused be present during their trial and be able to defend themselves through legal representation of their choosing. The court, by removing all defendants and their legal representation towards the end of the trial and from the sentencing portion has violated this right without any objective and reasonable basis.[49] There are therefore violations of Articles 9, 14 and 19 of the ICCPR in relation to the detention and prosecution of the 18 lawyers.

 

Rights of Lawyers and Rule of Law

  1. International Law: At an international level, the rights of lawyers, including their right to liberty and security, are protected by a number of instruments including the 1990 United Nations Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers,[50] the Draft Universal Declaration on the Independence of Justice, paragraph 7 of UN Resolution No. 2004/33/19, and Recommendation No. 21 of the Committee of Ministers to Member States on the freedom of exercise of profession of lawyer adopted by the European Council in 2000. These instruments clearly recognise the fundamental role of the legal profession in the administration of justice and maintenance of the rule of law.
  2. The Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers state that lawyers’ enjoyment of the rights and freedoms recognised under international human rights instruments and relevant to their professional conduct must be respected. Accordingly, States are obliged to recognise and uphold the independence of lawyers. Principle 16 states that Governments are under obligation to ensure that no restrictions, influences, inducements, pressures, threats or interference are to be imposed on lawyers while they are discharging their professional duties. States must enable lawyers to carry out their professional activities freely, diligently and fearlessly, without any inhibition or pressure. Lawyers shall enjoy the right to take full and active part in the political, social and cultural life of their country. According to Principle 23, lawyers are entitled to freedom of expression, opinion and association. Moreover, lawyers have the right to take part in public discussions of matters concerning the upholding of international human rights “without suffering professional restrictions”.[51] Due to the increased incidents of harassment, threats and attacks against lawyers in a number of Council of Europe countries, including Turkey, and undue interference with their legitimate activities, the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe has recommended the drafting of a binding Convention for the protection of lawyers in member states,[52] taking its previous recommendation a step forward.[53]
  3. Furthermore, Article 9 of the United Nations Declaration on Human Rights Defenders states that “everyone has the right […] to offer and provide professionally qualified legal assistance or other relevant advice and assistance in defending human rights and fundamental freedoms”;[54] and Article 11 imposes an obligation on States to ensure everyone’s right “to the lawful exercise of his or her occupation or profession”.[55] Lastly, according to Principle 18 of the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, “lawyers shall not be identified with their clients or their clients’ causes as a result of discharging their functions”.[56]
  4. Application of the law: The apprehension and detention of the 18 Turkish lawyers constitutes a serious interference with their rights and freedoms, as stipulated under the above-mentioned international instruments. By arresting and sentencing these lawyers, the Government not only prevents them from exercising their professional duties but also denies prospective or actual clients the right to be represented by a lawyer of their choice. These acts constitute a violation under both Article 6(2) of the ECHR and Article 14 of the ICCPR, as well as the above-mentioned principles stipulated under the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers including Principle 1 stating that “all persons are entitled to call upon the assistance of a lawyer of their choice”.
  5. This case raises issues in relation to a number of other rights and freedoms including the right to freedom of expression, association and peaceful assembly, and the right to respect for private life and correspondence of lawyers. In this submission, however, the focus has been on the above-mentioned aspects of the violations resulting from unlawful detention and prosecution of the 18 lawyers.
  6. Turkish State authorities are using arrests and detentions as tools to prosecute lawyers and other human rights activists for working on cases that shed light on possible human rights violations perpetrated by the Government. Such conduct by the Turkish State constitutes a breach of Turkey’s international obligation to ensure that lawyers are not being prevented from performing their professional functions freely.

 

ACTIONS REQUESTED

  1. We request the Special Rapporteurs urge the Turkish authorities to facilitate the immediate acquittal of lawyers Ayşegül Çağatay, Yağmur Ereren, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Yaprak Türkmen, Ahmet Mandacı, Zehra Özdemir, Ebru Timtik, Özgür Yılmaz, Behiç Aşçı, Sukriye Erden, Selçuk Kozağaçlı, Suleyman Gokten, Aytaç Ünsal, Engin Gökoğlu, Aycan Çiçek, Naciye Demir, Ezgi Cakir and Barkın Timtik; and the urgent release of those in detention pending appeal.
  2. We further request the Special Rapporteurs urge the Turkish authorities to stop all forms of harassment, including judicial harassment, against these individuals as well as other lawyers and human rights defenders in Turkey, and allow them to perform their professional and lawful functions without intimidation or improper interference.
  3. We request the Special Rapporteurs intervene in these serious matters and raise these issues, as a matter of priority, with the Turkish authorities. In particular, the Special Rapporteurs are requested to communicate – if possible, jointly – the concerns outlined in relation to the detention of the 18 lawyers.
  4. We request the Special Rapporteurs urge the Turkish authorities to immediately stop using oppressive methods against individuals, particularly lawyers and other human rights defenders, who are critical of the human rights violations perpetrated by the State authorities including the security forces.
  5. We request the Special Rapporteurs urge the Turkish authorities to ensure the independence of the judiciary by law and practice and to prevent judges, prosecutors and lawyers from undue interferences.
  6. We request the Special Rapporteurs call on the Government of Turkey to comply with the provisions of the ICCPR, the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, the UN Declaration on Human Rights Defenders and other international instruments on the protection and promotion of fundamental rights and freedoms.
  7. We would be grateful if you would kindly confirm what action you will be taking and to inform us of any response received from the Turkish authorities.
  8. Finally, we would be grateful for your acknowledgement of receipt of this letter.

 

Yours faithfully,

 

[1]Amnesty International, No End in Sight, Purged Public Sector Workers Denied a Future in Turkey, 2017, https://www.amnesty.org/en/documents/eur44/6272/2017/en/, accessed 29 March 2019.

[2] On 9 August 2018, the lifting of the state of emergency and end of the derogation period was notified by the Turkish Government to the Secretary General of the UN, https://treaties.un.org/doc/Publication/CN/2018/CN.378.2018-Eng.pdf, accessed 29 March 2019.

[3]This movement is a collective term for those followers of the now US-based Islamic cleric Fethullah Gulen who the Turkish Government blamed for orchestrating the 2016 coup attempt.

[4]Human Rights Joint Platform, Updated Situation Report- State of Emergency in Turkey, 21 July 2016 – 20 March 2018, http://www.ihop.org.tr/en/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/SoE_17042018.pdf>\, accessed 29 March 2019.

[5] Amnesty International, Turkey: NGOs unite to defend civil society from destruction, 27 February 2019, https://www.amnesty.org/en/latest/news/2019/02/turkey-ngos-unite-to-defend-civil-society-from-destruction/, accessed 29 March 2019.

[6] See. International Commission of Jurists, Turkey: the Judicial System in Peril : A briefing paper, https://www.icj.org/wp-content/uploads/2016/07/Turkey-Judiciary-in-Peril-Publications-Reports-Fact-Findings-Mission-Reports-2016-ENG.pdf; Council of Europe Group of State Against Corruption (GRECO), Fourth Evaluation Round Turkey: Corruption Prevention In Respect of Members of Parliament, Judges and Prosecutors, 15 March 2018, https://rm.coe.int/fourth-evaluation-round-corruption-prevention-in-respect-of-members-of/1680792de8; Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, The worsening situation of opposition politicians in Turkey: what can be done to protect their fundamental rights in a Council of Europe member State?, Resolution 2260 (2019), 24 January 2019, http://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/Xref-XML2HTML-EN.asp?fileid=25425&lang=en, accessed 29 March 2019.

[7]Human Rights Watch, World Report 2019, https://www.hrw.org/world-report/2019/country-chapters/turkey, accessed 5 April 2019.

[8] The Law Society of England and Wales, Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales, International Bar Association Human Rights Institute, Joint Submission to the Special Rapporteur on the Independence of Judges and Lawyers concerning International Law Breaches Concerning the Independence of Legal Profession in Turkey, 18 September 2018, p.18-30, http://www.barhumanrights.org.uk/wp-content/uploads/2018/09/bhrc-ibahri-lsew-joint-submission-turkey-final2.pdf, accessed on 5 April 2019.

[9] Human Rights Watch, Lawyers on Trials; Abusive Prosecutions and Erosion of Fair Trial Rights in Turkey, April 2019, p.6 and 8, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/turkey0419_web.pdf, accessed 18 April 2019.

[10] Ibid.

[11] Human Rights Watch, Lawyers on Trials; Abusive Prosecutions and Erosion of Fair Trial Rights in Turkey, April 2019, p.7, https://www.hrw.org/sites/default/files/report_pdf/turkey0419_web.pdf, accessed 18 April 2019.

[12] European Commission for Democracy Through Law, Opinion on Articles 216, 299, 301 and 314 of the Penal Code of Turkey, Adopted at 106th Plenary Session, Venice, 11-12 March 2016, Opinion No. 831/2015, 15 March 2016, https://www.venice.coe.int/webforms/documents/default.aspx?pdffile=CDL-AD(2016)002-e, accessed 29 March 2019; Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, Third party intervention by the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights, 10 October 2017, https://rm.coe.int/third-party-intervention-10-cases-v-turkey-on-freedom-of-expression-an/168075f48f, accessed 29 March 2019.

[13] UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Report on the Impact of the State of Emergency on Human Rights in Turkey, Including an Update on the South-East, March 2018, https://www.refworld.org/docid/5ab146c14.html, accessed 29 March 2019.

[14] UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, 1990, principle 18, http://www.ohchr.org/EN/ProfessionalInterest/Pages/RoleOfLawyers.aspx, accessed 5 April 2019.

[15] Human Rights Watch, fn no. 11, p.6.

[16]Report of the Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism on his mission to Turkey (April 16-23, 2006), November 16, 2006, §90, https://documents-ddsny.un.org/doc/UNDOC/GEN/G06/149/42/PDF/G0614942.pdf?OpenElement, accessed 1 April 2019.

[17] The Arrested Lawyers Initiative, New Report: Incarceration of Turkish Lawyers: Unjust Arrests and Convictions (2016-2018), 1 April 2019, p.33, https://arrestedlawyers.files.wordpress.com/2019/04/report9.pdf, accessed 10 April 2019.

[18] Ibid., p.1.

[19] Ibid, p. 31.

[20] OHCHR, Report on the impact of the state of emergency on human rights in Turkey, fn no. 13.

[21] Ibid, p. 3, §13

[22] Ibid. p. 22, §92.

[23] Stockholm Center for Freedom, Lawyers association: Imprisoned Gülen followers subject to rape, nail extraction, object insertion, January 18, 2017, https://stockholmcf.org/lawyers-association-imprisoned-gulen-followers-subject-to-rape-nail-extraction-object-insertion/, accessed 1 April 2019.

[24] Bianet, 14 Detained Attorneys of Gülmen, Özakça on Hunger Strike Arrested, 21 September 2017, https://bianet.org/english/law/190006-14-detained-attorneys-of-gulmen-ozakca-on-hunger-strike-arrested.

[25] Bianet, Progressive Legist Association Chair Kozagacli Arrested, 14 November 2017,       http://bianet.org/english/law/191498-progressive-legists-association-chair-kozagacli-arrested.

[26] European Association of Lawyers for Democracy & World Human Rights (ELDH), Summary of Trial Against 20 Lawyers, https://eldh.eu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/SUMMARY-OF-TRIAL-AGAI%CC%87NST-20-LAWYERS.pdf, accessed 3 April 2019.

[27] A similar example was seen in a case where 29 journalists were tried for being members of a terrorist organization aftermath of attempted coup d’état. Journalists were rearrested after courts had ordered their release and the judges and a prosecutor of the case were suspended by the Supreme Board of Judges and Prosecutors (HSYK), http://www.hurriyetdailynews.com/turkeys-board-of-judges-prosecutors-temporarily-suspends-four-for-ordering-release-of-gulen-suspects-111576.

[28] Bianet, 18 Lawyers Sentenced to Prison for 159 Years, 1 Month, 30 Days in Total, 20 March 2019, https://bianet.org/english/law/206630-18-lawyers-sentenced-to-prison-for-159-years-1-month-30-days-in-total, accessed 16 April 2019.

[29] Human Rights Watch, fn no. 11, p.34.

[30] ELDH, 18 Turkish lawyers sentenced to long prison terms, March 20 2019, https://eldh.eu/2019/03/21/18-turkish-lawyers-sentenced-to-long-prison-terms/, accessed 3 April 2019.

[31]ELDH, Summary of Trial Against 20 Lawyers, fn no. 23.

[32] Ibid.

[33] Human Rights Watch, fn no. 11, p.34; Statement by the Paris Bar Association calling for the release of the lawyers, http://www.avocatparis.org/turquie-18-avocats-condamnes-jusqua-18-ans-de-prison-le-barreau-de-paris-appelle-leurliberation, accessed 18 April 2019.

[34] Statement to the media on the trial of ÇHD members by the heads of 39 bar associations, http://www.diyarbakirbarosu.org.tr/39barodanchduyesimeslektaslarimizinyargilanmasinailiskinortakbasinaciklamasi- /1564, accessed 18 April 2019.

[35] See for example, https://eldh.eu/en/2019/03/21/18-turkish-lawyers-sentenced-to-long-prison-terms/; https://eldh.eu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/CCBE-EN_HRL_20190326_Turkey_Sentencing-of-18-human-rights-lawyers.pdf.

[36] Constitution of Turkey, http://www.hri.org/docs/turkey/part_ii_2.html, accessed 3 April 2019.

[37]Turkish Code of Criminal Procedure,

http://www.google.co.uk/url?sa=t&rct=j&q=&esrc=s&source=web&cd=1&ved=0ahUKEwi5kovg44vMAhUHbBoKHSo0BwMQFggdMAA&url=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.legislationline.org%2Fdocuments%2Fid%2F17788&usg=AFQjCNH0fibE4WxXgabmIwqOjukpyOXObA&sig2=gCxh2IWoP9XMjelh0cdrWQ&cad=rja, accessed 4 April 2019.

[38]UN General Assembly, Universal Declaration of Human Rights, 10 December 1948,

http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3712c.html , accessed 3 April 2019.

[39]UN General Assembly, International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, 16 December 1966, 999 UNTS 171, http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3aa0.html, accessed 19 April 2016). Turkey ratified the ICCPR on 23 September 2003 with one reservation and ratified the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on 24 November 2006 and the Second Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights on 2 March 2006. Both Optional Protocols entered into force on 24 February 2007.

[40]Council of Europe, European Convention on Human Rights, 4 November 1950,http://www.refworld.org/docid/3ae6b3b04.html, accessed 4 April 2019.

[41] CCPR Human Rights Committee General comment no.35 on Article 9 concerning liberty and security of a person, adopted on 16 December 2014, para.12.

[42] Ibid, paras.17 and 53.

[43] Platform Peace & Justice, Right to Defence is Abolished under the State of Emergency in Turkey, 14 September 2017, http://www.platformpj.org/opinion-right-defence-abolished-state-emergency-turkey/, accessed 10 May 2019.

[44] UN Basic Principles, fn o. 14, principles 16-18.

[45] ELDH, fn no. 23.

[46] UN Human Rights Committee (HRC), General comment no. 32, Article 14, Right to equality before courts and tribunals and to fair trial, 23 August 2007, CCPR/C/GC/32, para 13, https://www.refworld.org/docid/478b2b2f2.html, accessed 10 May 2019.

[47]Avocats Barreau Paris, Turkey: 18 lawyers sentenced to 18 years in prison, the Paris Bar calls for their release, 21 March 2019, http://www.avocatparis.org/turquie-18-avocats-condamnes-jusqua-18-ans-de-prison-le-barreau-de-paris-appelle-leur-liberation, accessed 10 April 2018.

[48] Diyarbakir Barosu, 39 Joint Press Release Regarding the Trial of ÇHD Member Colleagues, 21 March 2019, http://www.diyarbakirbarosu.org.tr/39barodanchduyesimeslektaslarimizinyargilanmasinailiskinortakbasinaciklamasi-/1564, accessed 10 April 2019.

[49] Human Rights Watch, Case Against 20 Lawyers for Membership of the Revolutionary People’s Liberation Party-Front, 10 April 2019, https://www.hrw.org/report/2019/04/10/lawyers-trial/abusive-prosecutions-and-erosion-fair-trial-rights-turkey, accessed 10 April 2019.

[50]UN Basic Principles, fn no. 14.

[51]UN Basic Principles, fn no. 14, Principle 23.

[52] http://assembly.coe.int/nw/xml/XRef/Xref-XML2HTML-EN.asp?fileid=24296&lang=en.

[53] Council of Europe, PACE Recommendation no (2000) 21 of the Committee of Ministers of member states on the freedom of exercise of the profession of lawyer, 25 October 2000, https://www.asianajajaliitto.fi/files/19/R2000-21_Freedom_of_exercise_of_the_profession_of_lawyer.pdf.

[54]UN General Assembly, Resolution No. A/RES/53/144, 8 March 1999

<http://www.ohchr.org/EN/Issues/SRHRDefenders/Pages/Declaration.aspx> accessed 4 April 2019

[55]Ibid.

[56]UN Basic Principles, fn no. 14, Principle 23.

A travesty of justice – 18 Turkish lawyers sentenced to long prison terms, 159 Years, 1 Month, 30 Days in Total

On Wednesday 20 March 2019, the İstanbul 37th Heavy Penal Court in Silivri Courthouse announced its verdict in the case of the ÇHD (Çağdaş Hukukçular Derneği, Association of Progressive Lawyers). The lawyers have been sentenced to prison terms between 2 years, 13 months, and 15 days and 18 years and 9 months. The Court delivered its judgment without taking into account the lawyers defence.

The allegations and sentences:
For alleged “founding and managing a terrorist organization”:

▪ Barkın Timtik: 18 years and 9 months
For alleged “membership in a terrorist organisation”
▪ Ebru Timtik, Özgür Yılmaz 13,5 years
▪ Behiç Aşçı, Sukriye Erden: 12 years
▪ Selçuk Kozağaçlı (ÇHD President) : 11 years and 3 months
▪ Suleyman Gokten, Aytaç Ünsal, Engin Gökoğlu: 10,5 years,
▪ Aycan Çiçek, Naciye Demir: 9 years
▪ Ezgi Cakir: 8 years

For alleged “willingly and knowingly aiding a terrorist organization,”:
▪ Ayşegül Çağatay, Yağmur Ereren, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Yaprak Türkmen: 3 years 9 months
▪ Ahmet Mandacı, Zehra Özdemir: 2 years 13 months, and 15 days

Numerous lawyers from European and non-European countries observed the trial from the outset. Among them were representatives of the International Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL), the European Association of Democratic Lawyers (AED-EDL), the European Association of Lawyers for Democracy and World Human Rights (ELDH), Lawyers for Lawyers, Avocats sans Frontières – Avocats Solidaires (ASF AS), Bar Associations from Belgium, France and Norway, the Italian Democratic Lawyers, the Italian Association of Criminal Lawyers, and Legal Team Italy.

After the court had issued the verdict the observers held a press conference to declare “We are convinced that at this point this trial is completely null and void. Protesting against the heavy prison terms inflicted we insist on the immediate acquittal of all defendants, to be attained through all possible judicial and legal means. We express our solidarity to the defendants in the name of the common struggle for upholding justice and rule of law.”

Milena Buyum, Amnesty International’s Senior Campaigner on Turkey, who observed the trial hearing, commented: “Today’s convictions are a travesty of justice and demonstrate yet again the inability of courts crippled under political pressure to deliver a fair trial.”

From the beginning the trial observers had the impression that the defendants were only accused for practising their legal profession according to the Turkish, European and International rules. This impression was confirmed when the court released 17 lawyers from pre-trial detention on 14 September 2018 only for them to be rearrested one day later after the judge was replaced. On [date?] the presiding judge expressed his decision not to admit any new evidence or any other applications of the defence lawyers. Finally he excluded the defence lawyers from the trial.

Other courts in Turkey or in Europe will have to decide if they accept this blatant violation of the rule of law and of the principles of a fair trial.

In the view of ELDH, the verdict is politically motivated by the state of emergency, despite the fact that the state of emergency was lifted a few months ago. The present charges have all the hallmarks of intimidation of lawyers, and the sentences will prevent them from carrying out their professional duties.

ELDH, AED-EDL, ASF AS, Norwegian Bar Association – Human Rights Committee demand

– the immediate acquittal of all 18 lawyers
– respect for the UN “Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers”, in particular Art. 16 “to ensure that lawyers are able to perform all of their professional functions without intimidation, hindrance, harassment or improper interference” and Art. 18 “Lawyers shall not be identified with their clients or their clients’ causes as a result of discharging their functions”
– respect for Art. 6 ECHR and Art.14 International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (right to a fair trial)

AUDIO: New Tools of Repression of Social Movements and Counterpractices in Europe

On the 20th of October the AED organized a European Colloquium in Turin.

Here are the interventions in their original language:

Hommage à Gerard Boulanger

 

C’est avec une grande tristesse que nous apprenons le décès de Gérard Boulanger, ce vendredi 8 juin 2018.

Connu pour être le précurseur des actions judiciaires qui ont conduit à la condamnation de Maurice Papon, nous retenons également la force de son engagement et de son caractère qu’il a mis au service du Syndicat des avocats de France et de l’association des Avocats européens démocrates.

Né le 14 octobre 1948 à Saint-Pair-sur-Mer (Manche), avocat généraliste depuis 1977, il a pratiqué le droit civil et le droit pénal. Membre du SAF dès 1977, il a siégé au bureau et au conseil syndical de 1978 à 1981 et en 1984. Il a présidé le syndicat en 1986 et 1987.

Nous lui devons également cet engagement pugnace pour la défense de la défense, en France comme en Europe, qui a donné naissance à l’association des avocats européens démocrates dont il a été le premier président.

En nous transmettant ses engagements et le cadre de nos actions, nous savons aujourd’hui combien est précieuse cette force militante qui nous guide dans la défense des droits et libertés fondamentales, en France comme en Europe.

La poursuite des combats qu’il a menés est l’hommage le plus fort que nous lui rendons. Aujourd’hui, toutes nos affectueuses pensées vont à sa famille et ses proches.

AVOCATS/MAGISTRATS DUO/DUEL

AVOCATS/MAGISTRATS DUO/DUEL
Colloque
26 mai 2018
Maison des Associations Internationales (40, Rue de Washington, Bruxelles)

CONCLUSIONS

Dans son rapport présenté au Conseil des droits de l’homme de l’ONU en juin 2017, le Rapporteur Spécial sur l’Indépendance des Juges et des Avocats a constaté, notamment, que :

L’état de droit ne peut être protégé que s’il existe un système effectif de séparation des pouvoirs qui garantisse l’indépendance de l’institution judiciaire ;

Les ingérences, les pressions et les menaces risquent fortement de compromettre l’indépendance des juges et de rendre ceux-ci particulièrement vulnérables face à la corruption ;
Les ordres des avocats, qui ont un rôle vital à jouer dans la protection des normes et de la déontologie de la profession, doivent assumer leurs responsabilités à cet égard et adhérer aux Principes fondamentaux relatifs à l’indépendance de la magistrature et aux Principes de base relatifs au rôle du barreau ;

Il incombe aux États de veiller à la sécurité et à la protection physique de tous les professionnels du droit, afin de garantir l’indépendance de l’institution judiciaire ;
Les médias ne peuvent travailler de manière impartiale que sous certaines conditions. C’est à l’État qu’il incombe de faire en sorte que ces conditions soient réunies en garantissant la liberté d’expression et la liberté de la presse. Par ailleurs, les médias doivent être conscients de leurs responsabilités et veiller à diffuser des informations exactes de manière professionnelle et rigoureuse, dans le respect de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire.

Partageant ensemble de longue date ces préoccupations, pour la première fois, AED et MEDEL ont organisé un colloque pour débattre ensemble la contribution des avocats et des magistrats à la réalisation d’une justice indépendante, et sont arrivés à ces

CONCLUSIONS COMMUNES :

 

I. L’indépendance de la justice

1. Les menaces contre l’indépendance de la justice et l’État de Droit se multiplient dramatiquement partout et sont actuellement un problème global ;

2. Les autorités Turques ont démantelé l’État de Droit – aujourd’hui la protection des libertés et droits fondamentaux des citoyens turcs n’est plus garantie ;

3. L’emprisonnement et la révocation arbitraire de magistrats et avocats en Turquie sont inacceptables ; il en est de même de l’absence totale de procès justes et équitables, devant des tribunaux indépendants ;

4. Les menaces contre l’indépendance du Pouvoir Judiciaire se manifestent au sein même de l’Union Européenne ; ainsi en Pologne, l’action agressive du gouvernement pour assurer sa mainmise sur le système judiciaire est totalement inacceptable ; elle met en danger tout l’espace européen de justice ;

5. Une justice sans moyens ne pouvant être réellement indépendante, AED et MEDEL demandent que les justices européennes soient dotées de moyens leur permettant de rendre effectif, pour tous, le droit à un procès équitable et que soit consacré à l’aide légale un financement significatif ;

II. Magistrats / Avocats

6. Aucun système judiciaire ne peut être vraiment indépendant sans avocats libres ni sans juges et procureurs indépendants ;

7. L’indépendance du Pouvoir Judiciaire n’est pas un privilège des avocats et des magistrats – c’est un droit fondamental pour les citoyens ;

8. Les différences entre les fonctions et les positions institutionnels des avocats et des magistrats ne doivent pas empêcher le dialogue et la collaboration pour l’amélioration du système judiciaire ;

9. Avocats et magistrats ont le devoir de collaborer pour garantir à tous l’existence d’un système de justice indépendant, efficace et socialement juste, seul apte, en respectant un procès équitable, à assurer la protection effective des droits fondamentaux ;

III. Autorégulation et responsabilité

10. Les Conseils Supérieurs de justice, dont la majorité des membres doit être composé de magistrats librement élus par leurs pairs, sont essentiels pour garantir l’indépendance du Pouvoir Judiciaire ;

11. Les cours supérieures et constitutionnelles, dans la mesure où elles analysent des cas qui peuvent être politiquement sensibles, doivent avoir des garanties supplémentaires de non-ingérence des autres pouvoirs de l’État, soit dans la nomination de ses membres, soit dans son processus de délibération et d’exécution de ses décisions ;

12. Le processus de sélection, de formation et de carrière des magistrats doit être clairement établie dans la loi et des garanties effectives de non ingérence des autres Pouvoirs de l’État doivent être mises en place ;

13. Les sanctions disciplinaires des magistrats doivent être clairement prévues par la loi et les procédures disciplinaires doivent être conduites devant des conseils supérieurs, et être équitables, contradictoires et sans aucune possibilité d’interférence des autres pouvoirs de l’État ;

14. AED et MEDEL demandent que le débat soit ouvert afin que le rôle de l’avocat et le Droit de la Défense soit inscrit dans toutes les constitutions ;

15. La profession d’avocat doit être prévue dans la loi comme élément fondamental du système judiciaire, et des garanties doivent être établies pour assurer la totale liberté d’expression et d’action des avocats dans l’intérêt des citoyens ;

16. La profession d’avocat doit être autorégulée, sans possibilité d’aucune restriction ou interférence de la part des autorités publiques – un avocat ne doit être puni que pour des fautes déontologiques établies par la loi et vérifiées par des organes composés d’avocats et avec un procès équitable et contradictoire ;

17. AED et MEDEL demandent que voit le jour la convention européenne sur la profession d’avocat proposée par la PACE en souhaitant qu’une convention à l’identique sur la profession de magistrats/juges soit également élaborée ;

18. AED et MEDEL demandent que le dispositif de mise en place d’une plateforme de protection des défenseurs des droits de l’homme, proposé par la PACE, englobe les magistrats/les juges et que soit réalisée la proposition de révision de la mission du Commissaire aux droits de l’homme, de telle façon qu’il soit habilité à traiter les cas individuels de persécution de défenseurs des droits de l’homme, dont les avocats et les magistrats, dans les Etats membres du Conseil de l’Europe ;

IV. Communication et rapport à l’Opinion Publique

19. Fondé sur la protection des droits fondamentaux des citoyens, le système judiciaire a le devoir d’être en capacité de communiquer avec le public et de produire des décisions claires à l’issue de procédures simples, transparentes et compréhensibles pour le citoyen ;

20. Magistrats et avocats sont les principaux responsables de la clarté de la communication avec le public et ont le devoir de travailler en ce sens ;

21. La liberté des media et de la presse est aussi un droit fondamental dans une société libre et démocratique et des médias libres sont essentielles pour favoriser la communication entre la justice et les citoyens ;

22. Avocats et magistrats ont le devoir de fournir aux médias des informations exactes et rigoureuses, afin que les citoyens puissent être informés d’une façon libre et professionnelle ;

23. C’est la responsabilité des médias de veiller à diffuser des informations exactes de manière professionnelle et rigoureuse, dans le respect de l’indépendance du pouvoir judiciaire et de la présomption d’innocence ;

24. AED et MEDEL condamnent toutes tentatives de contrôle des médias soit par le pouvoir politique, soit par des intérêts économiques ; ils condamnent les campagnes menées par des médias contrôlées, dans des pays comme la Bulgarie ou la Pologne, ayant pour seul but de porter tort à des magistrats.

AED et MEDEL poursuivront leur réflexion commune sur ces thèmes et veulent rendre hommage à tous ceux avocats, journalistes, magistrats et autres citoyens qui paient un prix élevé pour leur courageux combat en faveur de l’État de Droit démocratique et de l’indépendance du Pouvoir Judiciaire.

En cette occasion, AED et MEDEL demandent la libération immédiate de toutes ces victimes d’une répression arbitraire et la cessation de tous les procès inéquitables en cours.

Bruxelles, 26 mai 2018.

 

Day of the Endangered Lawyer 2018

Today in Egypt, human rights activists, lawyers, political activists and independent journalists, all have to live with their phone calls being tapped, endless smear campaigns and hate speech from state-affiliated media as well as continuous harassment and intimidation from the authorities. Egypt is going through the most serious human rights crisis in its history. Every day security forces arbitrarily displace 3 or 4 people (AI Secretary General, 18 Dec. 2016).

After the overthrow of President Mohammed Morsi the human rights situation deteriorated dramatically. The government severely restricted freedom of expression, freedom of assembly and freedom of association. The authorities have taken harsh actions against dissidents, tens of thousands have been arbitrarily arrested, and many of them tortured during custody. Security forces who killed demonstrators have not been held accountable. After harsh unfair trials, hundreds of people have received prison or even death sentences. Victims of this persecution include not only alleged members and supporters of the Muslim brotherhood but also any other opponents to the present government, in particular alleged members of left-wing organizations and human rights activists.

This relentless persecution can even lead to arbitrary arrest, prolonged detention, harsh sentences after unfair trials and sometimes even torture, enforced disappearance at the hands of the state or death in custody as a result of medical negligence. This is pretty much the same list of human rights violations suffered by the people whose rights such defenders are meant to be protecting through their activism and work. Victims of this persecution are not only alleged members and supporters of the Muslim brotherhood but also any other opponents to the present government in particular alleged members of left-wing organizations.

Since General Al Sissi came to power, the crackdown on the Muslim Brotherhood has spread to the entire democratic opposition, the media, NGOs, minorities and civil society.

Lawyers pay a heavy price. Many of them are victims of arrest, conviction, threats, travel bans from the territory and other restrictions on the practice of their profession.

By so doing, the Egyptian government violates the UN Basic Principles on the Role of Lawyers, adopted by the Eighth United Nations Congress on the Prevention of Crime and the Treatment of Offenders, Havana, Cuba, 27 August to 7 September 1990.

See  our Report on Egypt

The AED calls for demonstrations in front of the Egyptian embassies all over Europe to show our solidarity with our Egyptian colleagues in the context of the Day of the Endangered Lawyer.

The Day of the Endangered Lawyer is supported by the Foundation of the Day of the Endangered lawyer and the AED as well as by IAPL, ELDH, IDHAE, CNB-OIAD,  CCBE, UIA, Endangered lawyers, Lawyers for Lawyers. It is supported by many Bar Associations all over Europe and outside Europe.

Seventeen Turkish lawyers are in detention in different parts of the country; sixteen of them for several weeks.

On the 8th of November 2017, Selcuk Kozagacli, President of the ÇHD, a progressive association of lawyers and a member of the AED, was arrested with great violence and detained in Istanbul. The accusations against our colleague justifying his detention by the Turkish authorities consist of complicity in terrorism.

Our colleague and friend Selcuk Kozagacli is one of the best-known human rights defenders in Turkey.

He recently denounced, during the general assembly of the Istanbul bar association held in ANKARA on the 16th of October, systematic acts of torture committed on people recently arrested, such as the tearing of nails, rape, the introduction of objects in the anus of the prisoners …

 

Today our colleague Selcuk Kozagacli is himself exposed to these same barbaric acts. To be convinced of this, it suffices to visualize the consequences of the conditions of his arrest. Our colleague is now on a hunger strike to try to force get his appearance before a judge.

 

The EDA demands the immediate release of Selcuk Kozagacli and the following sixteen lawyers from the Turkish authorities: Barkın Timtik, Ebru Timtik, Süleyman Gökten, Ezgi Çakır, Ahmet Mandacı, Yağmur Ereren, Aytaç Ünsal, Didem Baydar Ünsal , Ayşegül Çağatay, Engin Gökoğlu, Behiç Aşçı, Aycan Çiçek, Şükriye Erden, Özgür Yılmaz, Zehra Özdemir and Naciye Demi, who did not commit any other crimes than fulfilling their function of defender and denouncing the blatant violation of the rights of their clients.

 

Paris, Barcelona, Madrid, Den Haag, Berlin, Rome, Brussels…

9th November 2017.

 


Dix sept avocats turcs sont en détention, dans différentes régions du pays ; seize d’entre eux depuis plusieurs semaines.

 

Le 8 novembre 2017, Selcuk Kozagacli président du ÇHD, association d’avocats progressistes, membre de l’AED a été à son tour interpellé dans une grande violence, et placé en détention à Istanbul. Les accusations portées contre nos confrères et justifiant aux yeux des autorités turques leur détention, consistent en des faits de complicité de terrorisme

Notre confrère et ami Selcuk Kozagacli est l’un des plus connus défenseur des droit de l’homme en Turquie.

Il a récemment dénoncé, au cours de l’assemblée général des Barreaux qui s’est tenue à ANKARA le 16 octobre derniers, des actes de tortures systématiques commis sur les personnes arrêtées ces derniers temps, tel que l’arrachement des ongles, des viols, l’introduction d’objets dans l’anus des détenus…

Aujourd’hui notre confrère Selcuk Kozagacli est lui même exposé à ces mêmes actes barbares. Il suffit pour s’en convaincre de visualiser les conséquences des conditions de son interpellation

Notre confrère est aujourd’hui en grève de la faim pour tenter d’obtenir sa comparution devant un juge.

L’ AED exige des autorités turques la remise en liberté immédiate de Selcuk Kozagacli et des seize autres avocats, dont les noms suivent, Barkın Timtik, Ebru Timtik, Süleyman Gökten, Ezgi Çakır, Ahmet Mandacı, Yağmur Ereren, Aytaç Ünsal, Didem Baydar Ünsal, Ayşegül Çağatay, Engin Gökoğlu, Behiç Aşçı, Aycan Çiçek, Şükriye Erden, Özgür Yılmaz, Zehra Özdemir et Naciye Demi, qui n’ont pas commis d’autres crimes que de remplir leur fonction de défenseur et de dénoncer l’absence la violations flagrantes des droits les plus fondamentaux de leurs clients.