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the protection of European borders prevails over the right to asylum

The European Court of Human Right (ECHR) just took a decision in favour of the Spanish authorities, by endorsing the practice known as “push-back” of people trying to reach the Spanish enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. Although another body of the Court had already condemned Spain in 2017 for this illegal practice[1], its Grand Chamber decided this time that Spain had not violated the rights of the exiles who had already crossed its border by sending them back to Morocco quickly and widely. With this highly serious decision, the ECHR legitimizes the generalization of the principle of non-refoulement. Furthermore, it endorses the impossibility of applying for asylum in case of illegal border crossing and welcomes the good collaboration with Morocco in the repression of exiles.

Migrants face refoulement practices all along their way at the EU’s external borders which are increasingly extending to the South, and to the East. They also face it when they try to cross the Sahara[2], the Balkan countries[3] or when they attempt to flee the Libyan hell[4]. This reality (which can lead to death in the most dramatic cases) also affects the European territory, as illustrated by the recurrent deportations of migrants at the French borders with Italy and Spain[5]. The refoulement practices are multiplying and have become an increasingly standardised form of management of the illegalised mobility that it’s necessary to stop by any means.

For at least two decades they have suffered from the violence of the Spanish border guards while trying to enter in the enclaves of Ceuta and Melilla. The Spanish militaries are not to be outdone: numerous NGOs reports show that Morocco regularly conducts violent repressions and roundups to keep exiles away from the border[6].

Despite this old and well-documented reality, the ECHR in its judgement of 13 February concludes that Spain has not committed any violation, finding “(…) that the applicants [had] placed themselves in an unlawful situation” by attempting to cross the Melilla border at an unauthorised location. It adds that “They thus chose not to use the legal procedures which existed in order to enter Spanish territory lawfully (…)”. Misleading argument considering only exiles who entered through an accredited border post could be protected from refoulement or that they could apply for asylum at the consulate without hindrance. However, numerous human rights organisations – whose reports were deliberately disregarded by the Court – have established that black people are especially tracked by the Moroccan security forces who prevent them from reaching the border posts of the enclaves. Access to the asylum office in Ceuta and Melilla (established in 2015) is thus impossible for them. They have no other choice but to climb over fences and their sharp blades, or set sail, risking their lives[7].

The ECHR, by reversing Spain’s conviction, gives a strong signal to the European States for the generalization of these violent practices of refoulement and to the legitimation of the externalisation of asylum. Indeed, by figuring that a Member State can restrict the right to seek protection on its territory in some places or some circumstances, the Court endorses practices contrary to international law and that the EU has been trying to promote for a long time: preventing the arrival of those who are looking for protection, either by erecting physical or legal barriers, or by subcontracting its obligations to countries notoriously hostile to migrants.

The signatory associations strongly condemn the Court decision. We refuse to allow the principle of non-refoulement, a cornerstone of the right to asylum, to be questioned in the name of the externalisation policy and of the borders protection of the EU and its Member States. We support migrants in the exercise of their freedom of movement, and we fight against the violence and racism that they suffer along their illegalized trajectories.

Signataries :

  • Association Européenne pour la défense des Droits de l’Homme – AEDH (Europe)
  • European Democrates Lawyers (Europe)
  • Borderline Europe (Allemagne)
  • Euromed Rights (réseau Euro-Mediterranéen)
  • Group of lawyers for the Rights of Migrants and Refugees (Grèce)
  • Lawyers for Freedom – OHD (Turquie)
  • Migreurop (réseau Euro-Africain)
  • Progressive Lawyers association – CHD (Turquie)
  • Republican Lawyers Association – RAV (Allemagne)

 

 

[1] ECHR, October 3, 2017, N.D. et N.T. c. Spain, req. n° 8675/15 et 8697/15

[2] Amnesty International report, « Forced to leave – stories of injustice against migrants in Algeria », 2017 ; Alarmphone Sahara, « Octobre 2019 à Janvier 2020: Continuation des convois d’expulsions de l’Algérie au Niger », January 2020

[3] Le Monde « La Bosnie, cul-de-sac pour les migrants », December 30,2019 ; See also the website of « Welcome» which informs on violence in the Balkan countries. https://welcome.cms.hr/index.php/en/

[4] Brief n°7 « Libya: where thugs are funded by Europe to mistreat migrants », May 2018 ; Forensic Oceanography, “Mare Clausum”, May 2018

[5] ANAFE, Persona non grata –Conséquences des politiques sécuritaires et migratoires à la frontières franco-italienne, Observation report 2017-2018

[6] See for instance: Migreurop, « War on migrants – The black book of Ceuta and Melilla » 2006, Human Rights Watch « Abused and Expelled Ill-Treatment of Sub-Saharan African Migrants in Morocco », 2014 ; Caminando Fronteras « Tras la frontera », 2017 ; GADEM « Coûts et blessures – Rapport sur les opérations des forces de l’ordre menées dans le nord du Maroc entre juillet et septembre 2018 », 2019

[7] See for instance : collective report « Ceuta et Melilla : centres de tri à ciel ouvert aux portes de l’Afrique ? », December 2015 ; Third party intervention by the Council of Europe Commissioner for Human Rights – Applications No. 8675/15 and No. 8697/15N.D. v. Spain and N.T. v. Spain: https://rm.coe.int/third-party-intervention-n-d-and-n-t-v-spain-by-nils-muiznieks-council/1680796bfc ; Third party intervention by Aire Centre, Amnesty International, ECRE and the International Commission of Jurists: https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/EUR4191102018ENGLISH.PDF

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Freedom for Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar

The European Union must stop the arbitrary incarceration of refugees and migrants

We express our solidarity with Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar who are currently being held in pre-trial detention in Komotini, Greece. Both are facing long prison sentences because they are being wrongfully and arbitrarily accused of “smuggling”.

Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar are Moroccan citizens who fled their country searching for protection and better living conditions, Hamza Haddi in particular is a known political activist who was hoping to be granted political asylum in Europe. In Morocco, he is facing political persecution for his activities during the Arab Spring as well as for his engagement with the Moroccan Human Rights Association L’Association Marocaine Des Droits Humains AMDH. He has been imprisoned three times and, together with his family, been constantly targeted and intimidated by Moroccan authorities. Hamza is a political refugee.

With Europe’s ever-increasing closure of borders and the impossibility for refugees to legally enter Europe and claim asylum, they were forced to embark and risk their lives on a makeshift boat. Hamza, who had fled from Morocco together with his brother Yassine went on to meet two companions on the way; Reda and Mohamed in Turkey. There, they spent only a few days before attempting to cross the Evros river that marks the border between Turkey and Greece in July 2019.

In Greece, the four arrived, only to be immediately arrested by Greek border police. But not enough. Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar are now accused of and are facing trial for the “smuggling” of two persons – one of them being Hamza’s own brother Yassine!

The accusations against Hamza and Mohamed are clearly unfounded. They are refugees, not smugglers.

Their companion Reda was coerced into signing a testimony that is now being used to wrongly accuse Hamza and Mohamed as being the smugglers. Reda can neither speak nor read Greek and later confirmed that the written document does not match his statement.

Consequently since July 2019, Hamza and Mohamed have been held in pre-trial detention in Greece and are facing more than ten years of imprisonment each. The basis of their trail is placed upon a testimony signed under pressure and without an interpreter.

We are calling for their immediate release!

The case of Hamza and Mohamed is unfortunately not an isolated case but paradigmatic for yet another facet of Europe’s policy of closing borders and deterrence. While European supporters or so-called “human rights defenders” such as Carola Rackete or the iuventa10 have recently received a lot of attention and support after having become the target of increasing criminalisation, there is hardly any information nor support for those without a European passport facing the very same accusations. However, it is them who constitute the majority of those being arrested and imprisoned in Italy and Greece on grounds of alleged “smuggling” and “aiding illegal immigration”. Arrested immediately upon arrival, a lot of them disappear unknown and unheard of and with no access to support from outside.

The basis for this is Greek legislation that considers any person found to have driven a vehicle across Greek borders, entering Greece without required documentation, as a smuggler.

The arrests as well as trials that follow these often-unfounded accusations of smuggling are arbitrary. Police officers might accuse the person holding the tiller to steer the boat, or the one who communicated with the coast guard to call for help or simply someone who speaks English, to be a smuggler. In Greece, the average trial lasts only around 30 minutes, leading to an average sentence of 44 years and fines over 370.000 Euro. Suspects, or what we would deem ‘victims’ of this unjust legislation, usually have limited access to legal assistance, most of them relying on public defenders. Observers voice concerns about a “shocking lack of deep processing”, reporting that judgements are pronounced despite lack of evidence and poor quality of translation.

This statement is to express our solidarity with Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar and all those criminalized and deprived of their basic rights in the European Union’s proclaimed fight against “smugglers”. We call on everyone to condemn the arbitrary application of anti-smuggling laws against people on the move, who are often already in fear of their lives. We denounce the exploitation of the vulnerable situation of asylum seekers by the EU member states, leaving them without the means to properly defend themselves.

Together with the Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar support committee we demand:

• The immediate release of Hamza Haddi and Mohamed Haddar.
• All charges against them to be dropped, and their innocence to be recognized.
• Hamza’s asylum application to be accepted and his asylum granted.
• Regularisation of the situation of Hamza and Mohamed, and freedom of movement for all.

We further demand:

    • Freedom for all those that are suffering the same fate, being imprisoned in Greek and Italian prisons because they were looking for a better life.
• A change in the Greek and Italian law in order to remove the legal grounds for these arbitrary arrests and convictions.

    –>  Attend the trial of Hamza and Mohamed on February 4th 2020 in Komotini, Greece!
–>  Donate for their legal defence: https://www.lepotsolidaire.fr/pot/94duqw1k

Download press statement:

ENGLISH

FRENCH

GREEK

ARABIC

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Sea Watch 3 and European Rights adrift

The grave case of the ship Sea Watch 3, which has been denied access to Italian ports after rescuing 42 migrants at sea and waiting for more than 14 days between Libya and Sicily for more than 14 days, is the case of fundmental rights in Europe.

Maritime laws requires the rescue of those in danger at sea through the identification of a place of safety.

 

The European Convention on Human Rights prohibits collective expulsions and inhuman and degrading treatment.

 

The Convention on the status of refugees imposes the principle of non-refoulement to a place where the person would be at risk of persecution.

 

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that everyone has the right to leave a country.

All these international treaties and conventions are violated for political interest.

In this case as in many other cases, people, at risk of dying at sea, escaping from war and Libyan concentration camps, are used as pawns in political negotiations and as instruments of propaganda.

By denying the landing in the port of Lampedusa, the Italian government violates these conventions and the rights of people; turning to the other side, the European governments and the European Union itself violate those conventions and the rights of those people.

The European Court of Human Rights, by not applying precautionary measures, is not justifying this situation,it is merely saying that it was not certain if  Italian jurisdiction was applicable because the Sea Watch 3 was still in international waters. Furthermore it decided there was no imminent danger to the lives of the people. Whether this decision is correct or not, it does not state that it is permissible to leave them at sea. Nor does it say that the Italian Minister of the Interior is right when he states that Lybia is a safe haven. The reports of all international organizations and UNHCR have long established that migrants in Libya are locked up in real concentration camps, tortured, mistreated, killed.

One day there will be a Nuremberg of the Sea, which will condemn those who today refused to help and legitimized torture in Libya, but we can not wait for this day.

As lawyers and as jurists, we strongly demand that human rights, the principles of international law and law be restored as soon as possible in Europe and in each of its Member States.

We demand

 

that Sea Watch and all ships working to save lives from shipwrecks and avoiding that migrants return  to Libya,

 

that shipwrecked people be allowed to go ashore and seek protection in Europe,

 

that it be recognised that those who save migrants at sea obey the rules of the natural right of solidarity, and  have committed no crime.

 

Il caso della Sea Watch 3 e la deriva dei diritti in Europa

 

Il gravissimo caso della nave Sea Watch 3, da oltre 14 giorni in mare tra la Libia e la Sicilia dopo aver salvato 42 migranti, alla quale è negato l’approdo nei porti italiani, ci interroga sul rispetto dei diritti fondamentali in Europa.

Il diritto del mare che obbliga al salvataggio di chi è in pericolo in mare e all’individuazione il più preso possibile di un place of safety, la Convenzione Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo che vieta le espulsioni collettive e i trattamenti inumani e degradanti, la Convenzione sullo status dei rifugiati che impone il principio di non refoulement verso un luogo ove la persona sarebbe a rischio di persecuzione, la stessa Dichiarazione Universale dei Diritti dell’Uomo che sancisce che ogni individuo ha diritto a lasciare qualunque paese, sono calpestate per interessi politici e propagandistici.

In questo come in molti altri casi persone che rischiavano di morire in mare, fuggite dalla guerra e dai campi di concentramento libici, sono usate come pedine di trattative politiche e come strumenti di propaganda.

Negando l’approdo nel porto di Lampedusa il Governo italiano viola quelle convenzioni ed i diritti di quelle persone; girandosi dall’altra parte i Governi europei e la stessa Unione Europea violano quelle convenzioni e i diritti di quelle persone.

La Corte Europea dei Diritti dell’Uomo, non applicando misure cautelari, non giustifica tutto questo: essa si limita a dire che non vi è certezza della giurisdizione italiana sulla situazione in cui si trovava la nave (con una decisione presa quando la Sea Watch era in acque internazionali) e che non vi sarebbe un pericolo imminente per la vita di quelle persone. Corretta o meno che sia questa decisione, non dice che è lecito lasciarli in mare. Tantomeno dice che ha ragione il Ministro dell’Interno italiano, quando dice che un porto sicuro c’era ed era in Libia. I rapporti di tutte le organizzazioni internazionali e dell’UNHCR hannno da tempo accertato che in Libia i migranti sono rinchiusi in veri campi di concentramento, sottoposti a torture, maltrattamenti, uccisi.

Ci sarà un giorno una Norimberga del mare, che condannerà chi oggi ha rifiutato aiuto e ha legittimato le torture in Libia; ma non possiamo aspettare questo giorno.

Come avvocati e come giuristi chiediamo con forza che venga rispristinato al più presto in Europa e in ognuno degli Stati membri il rispetto diritti umani, dei principi del diritto internazionale, del Diritto.

Chiediamo che venga autorizzato l’approdo della Sea Watch e di tutte le navi che operano per salvare le vite umane dai naufragi e dal rischio di respingimento in Libia, che venga concesso ai naufraghi di scendere a terra e di chiedere protezione in Europa, che venga riconosciuto che chi li ha salvato ha obbedito alle regole del diritto naturale della solidarietà, e non ha commesso alcun reato.

 

 

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¿QUÉ ESTÁ HACIENDO EL ESTADO ESPAÑOL CON EL BARCO DE OPEN ARMS?

Nadie en Europa puede decir que desconoce la situación de vulnerabilidad extrema en que se encuentran las personas migrantes que se trasladan desde países de Oriente próximo y África hasta Europa, debido a las situaciones de guerra y/o crisis humanitaria que sufren. El drama de los/as refugiados/as, que ha convertido el mar Mediterráneo en un cementerio, ha supuesto una crisis en la concepción de Europa como un espacio común fundado sobre valores de dignidad humana, igualdad y solidaridad, y nos ha obligado a todos a cuestionar el papel de Europa en el mundo.Ni las instituciones europeas ni los Estados Miembros han estado a la altura, e incluso algún estado está manteniendo posturas inadmisibles desde la perspectiva de los Derechos Humanos, como pasa con el VicePresidente Salvini en Italia. Efectivamente, han surgido iniciativas que pretenden convertir, fraudulentamente, la crisis humanitaria que sufrimos en un problema de orden público. Evitar la muerte de cientos de personas no es una mera cuestión de orden público ni puede serlo. Construir muros y sellar las fronteras, separando pueblos y despojando a las personas migrantes de su dignidad, no es una respuesta admisible desde la perspectiva de Derechos Humanos. Además, estas políticas exponen al/la migrante a los peligros de elegir cada vez rutas más inseguras, favorecen la aparición de las mafias y su consecuencia más cruda es el naufragio de miles de personas en nuestro mar mediterráneo.

Es esa decepcionante actitud de las instituciones europeas y de los estados miembros de la Unión Europea la que ha provocado que organizaciones como Open Arms intervenga con acciones esenciales de vigilancia y salvamento, salvando miles de vidas en el mar. Estas organizaciones se na puesto, por ello, en el punto de mira de la opinión pública, y también dentro de los objetivos represivos de algunos Estados, que han intentado, también fraudulentamente, criminalizar su actuación. Recientemente el barco de Open Arms llegó a España con 310 personas rescatadas, pues los países más cercanos al lugar de rescate (Italia, Malta) incumplieron sus obligaciones internacionales y negaron el acceso a sus puertos a Open Arms.

El día 8 de enero de 2019 el barco de Open Arms debió haber salido del puerto de Barcelona rumbo a la zona SAR de Libia para continuar con su labor esencial de salvar vidas. Sin embargo Capitanía Marítima, dependiente del Ministerio de Fomento, ha bloqueado el buque en el puerto de Barcelona alegando que pese a no ser imputable al propio barco, con su último regreso a España se incumplieron diversos preceptos de la normativa marítima. Como medida preventiva y para evitar futuros incumplimientos, deniega la salida hasta que no se garantice que existe un acuerdo para el desembarco de los auxiliados con las autoridades responsables de las zonas SAR concernidas, algo que difícilmente ocurrirá, pues ni Italia, ni Libia, ni Malta facilitan estos acuerdos.

Tenemos que volver a poner de manifiesto, en voz alta y clara, que es el incumplimiento habitual del resto de países de su deber de auxilio lo que está en el origen del problema, que no es otro que las muertes en el mar. No puede atribuirse ningún incumplimiento normativo a quien precisamente presta ese auxilio, porque el derecho a la vida ha de priorizarse siempre respecto de cualquier normativa marítima. Con el bloqueo del buque no está en juego únicamente su derecho a navegar sino que se pone en riesgo la vida de las personas migrantes a quienes rescata Open Arms ante la pasividad de quienes están obligados a actuar en virtud del derecho internacional humanitario.

Por ello reclamamos que no se obstaculice la labor humanitaria del buque Open Arms anclado en el puerto de Barcelona y exigimos que los incumplimientos de terceros Estados sean denunciados por el Gobierno de España al órgano competente para su sanción, y que, entretanto, colabore activamente con el respeto de los derechos humanos y contribuya a solucionar la crisis humanitaria en que estamos inmersos, en vez de impedir la labor de quienes salvan vidas en el mar.

Barcelona, 18 de enero de 2019

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Le Procès des 7 de Briancon

Le 8 novembre 2018 s’est tenue au  Tribunal de grande instance de Gap, l’audience correctionnelle des 7 de Briançon, poursuivis pour aide à l’entrée irrégulière sur le territoire français de quelques migrants lors d’une manifestation pour la liberté de circulation et contre les initiatives du groupe d’extrême-droite et raciste, Génération identitaire. Ce groupe avait organisé un blocage illégal de la frontière franco-italienne de Clavière-Montgenèvre sans être inquiété.

Les avocats de l’Association des avocats européens démocrates  ont assisté à cette audience pour soutenir les 7 de Briançon.

Nous, Avocats européens démocrates, sommes fortement préoccupés pour la criminalisation qui, de plus en plus, s’étend en France, mais aussi en Italie, en Hongrie, en Belgique et dans plusieurs Pays européens, contre les migrants et  ceux qui se montrent activement solidaires avec eux.

Nous avons trouvé une ville et, surtout, un Palais de justice en quasi état de siège, signe d’une séparation entre  l’institution judiciaire et la société civile, de l’expression d’une justice craignant toute contestation possible et marquant une crise de la démocratie qui nous inquiète.

Lors de cette audience, dans le cadre de la défense des droits fondamentaux des prévenus, les avocats ont dénoncé les violations des droits des migrants à la frontière franco-italienne et la xénophobie et les atteintes à la démocratie de Génération Identitaire, qui n’a à ce jour pas été poursuivi pour ces actes d’atteintes à l’Etat de droit.

Malgré l’abandon par le Procureur de la République de la circonstance aggravante de « bande organisée », ce qui permet de faire baisser la peine encourue de 10 à 5 ans de prison, ce dernier a toutefois requis des peines allant de 6 mois de prison avec sursis à 12 mois dont 4 fermes, pour des actes élémentaires de solidarité.

Ce procès et ces réquisitions sont significatifs de l’extension en Europe de ce climat d’utilisation de la justice contre des militants et cela nous préoccupe au plus haut point.

Alors que les actions ouvertement marquées par le racisme, la xénophobie et le fascisme semblent de plus en plus admises, ceux qui s’opposent à ces dérives et mettent en œuvre des actions  solidarité aux migrants font l’objet de graves poursuites et accusations ; qu’ils interviennent en mer pour sauver les migrants de la noyade ou à la frontière interne franco-italiennes pour leur éviter de mourir de froid ou de chutes.

Nous souhaitons que l’Autorité Judiciaire puisse in fine rendre aux faits contestés des “7 de Briançon” leur profonde valeur humaniste et reconnaître que ces actions ne peuvent ni doivent être considérées comme des délits

 

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AUDIO: New Tools of Repression of Social Movements and Counterpractices in Europe

On the 20th of October the AED organized a European Colloquium in Turin.

Here are the interventions in their original language:

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In solidarity with Mimmo Lucano

L’Associazione Avvocati Democratici Europei riunitasi a Torino nei giorni 19 e 20 ottobre 2018 , in occasione del Convegno Internazionale “Nuove pratiche di repressione dei movimenti sociali in Europa e strategie legali di difesa ” esprime la piena solidarietà a Mimmo Lucano ritenendo il cosiddetto “MODELLO RIACE ” massima espressione dei veri valori costituzionali propri dell’Italia e dell’ Europa, condannando la criminalizzazione adottata illegittimamente contro il suo operato .

 

Auspica una rapida e posiitiva definizione del procedimento penale in corso, affinché possa al più presto ricoprire nuovamente la carica di Sindaco e Riace possa tornare a rappresentare un modello di accoglienza basata sul rispetto dei diritti umani .

 

 

The Association of European Democratic Lawyers (AED-EDL) meeting in Turin on the 19th and 20th of October 2018, on the occasion of the International Conference “New practices of repression of social movements in Europe and legal defense strategies” expresses full solidarity with Mimmo Lucano, the mayor of Riace.

The so-called “RIACE Model” he has helped create is the maximum expression of the true constitutional values ​​of Italy and Europe. It condemns the criminalization adopted illegitimately against his work.

 

The AED hopes for a rapid and positive definition of the ongoing criminal proceedings, so that he can soon re-occupy the position of Mayor and Riace can again represent a model of acceptance based on respect for human rights.

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MORIA 35- Report

On the 18th of July 2017, 35 residents of Moria hotspot on Lesvos Island in Greece were violently arrested after a peaceful demonstration organised in the camp earlier in the day. Hundreds of the camps inhabitants took part in this protest against their inhumane living conditions.

Le 18 juillet 2017, 35 résidents du hotspot de Moria sur l’île de Lesbos en Grèce ont été brutalement arrêtés à la suite d’une manifestation pacifique organisée quelques heures plus tôt dans le camp et à laquelle plusieurs centaines d’exilés avaient participé pour protester contre leurs conditions de vie indignes et inhumaines.

A few days later, Amnesty International have called on Greek authorities to immediately investigate the allegations of excessive use of force and ill-treatment allegedly commited by the police. This police violence has been filmed and disseminated in the media in the days that followed the demonstration.

Quelques jours plus tard, Amnesty International appelait, dans une déclaration publique, les autorités grecques à enquêter immédiatement sur les allégations de recours excessif à la force et de mauvais traitements qui auraient été infligés par la police aux personnes arrêtées. Ces violences policières ont été filmées et les images diffusées dans les médias dans les jours qui ont suivi la manifestation.

However today these same individuals stand in the dock.

Ce sont pourtant aujourd’hui ces mêmes personnes qui se retrouvent sur le banc des accusés.

The « Moria 35 » trial, begins on 20 April on Chios Island in Greece.

Le procès des « Moria 35 », s’ouvre le 20 avril prochain sur l’île de Chios en Grèce.

Prosecuted for arson, resisting arrest, attempted assault, rioting, damage to private property and disturbing the public peace, they risk up to 10 years in prison, exclusion to the right of asylum and deportation to countries which they fled. 30 of them are in custody since July 2017.

Poursuivis pour incendie volontaire, rébellion, dégradation de biens, tentative de violences ou encore trouble à l’ordre public, ils encourent des peines de prison pouvant aller jusqu’à 10 ans, leur exclusion du droit d’asile et leur renvoi vers les pays qu’ils ont fui. Trente d’entre eux sont en détention provisoire depuis juillet 2017.

Read the full MORIA report

 

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Suite à l’évacuation de Calais

Madame ou Monsieur le Bâtonnier,

Vous êtes comme nous sensibilisé à la situation d’urgence qui se profile pour chacun de nos barreaux du fait de l’évacuation du bidonville de Calais et de la relocalisation un peu partout en France de ses occupants.

Le CNB a d’ailleurs noté l’accès quasiment inexistant à l’information et au suivi juridique des migrants et l’absence de mesure de protection des personnes vulnérables, notamment les mineurs isolés.

Dans la continuité de l’appel du CNB en date du 13 octobre dernier, nos organisations ont décidé de réunir leurs efforts afin de coordonner des actions communes, l’objectif étant d’améliorer l’accès aux droits des personnes qui arrivent dans nos barreaux, tant au niveau du contentieux de l’éloignement que du conseil en matière de séjour des étrangers et de l’asile.

Dans cette optique, il est urgent de constituer des listes d’avocats, compétents, volontaires et acceptant d’intervenir exclusivement au titre de l’aide juridictionnelle, dans chaque barreau sous l’égide de l’Ordre afin de renforcer les dispositifs de défense d’urgence déjà existants.

Ce dispositif pourrait également avoir un prolongement tant au niveau régional que national, en coordination avec les ordres, les associations signataires et les initiatives citoyennes d’aide aux migrants.

Bien entendu, il est indispensable dans ce contexte que chacun de ces justiciables ait un égal accès à l’avocat.

A cette fin, nous souhaiterions vous rencontrer au plus tôt pour vous exposer de manière plus précise notre projet.

Vous remerciant de l’attention particulière que vous porterez à la présente, Très respectueusement et confraternellement,

ADDE représentée par Flor TERCERO, avocate au barreau de Toulouse
AED représentée par Pascale TAELMAN, avocate au barreau du Val-de-Marne ELENA représentée par Alexandre ASLANIAN, avocat au barreau de Paris
SAF représenté par Florian BORG, avocat au barreau de Lille

Paris, le 18 octobre 2016

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